[中国新闻] 重庆,中国的芝加哥

英国《经济学人》
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在中国内陆腹地,重庆这座沿江的丘陵城市雄心勃勃却笼罩在一片烟雾中。游客被它的发展范围和势头所震惊:大型商场,高速公路,成群的高楼大厦中有一座很像克莱斯勒大厦。一个投资2亿美元的大剧院在建。但重庆的大都市之梦却遇到了问题。
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和中国其他地方一样,重庆也在快速发展,今年上半年经济增长率14%。
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2 g. d9 r. H1 V' c- g/ r# N  在中国有点让人困惑的行政区划里,重庆是四个享受省级待遇的直辖市之一(其余三个是北京,上海和天津)。这个自治区同时也是座城市,和苏格兰面积差不多(大部分都是岩石),人口分散居住在沿长江的几千个村镇。根据官方数据,重庆人大约45%居住在市区(差不多是重庆将要建立的中心区一半人口)。在中国开发西部计划下,重庆领导人决定让这个巨大的自治区成为现代化的海洋,声称2020年直辖市必须达到70%城市化。 csuchen.de5 _: f6 `5 D" ]9 @) y6 i, ^

7 t0 ~, o6 f; Y8 @8 v1 y  类似的数据让中国的地产商垂涎三尺。直辖市人口超过三千万,如果这是个单一城市,那将是世界最大的城市。为了实现2020年远景,大约每年要有5万郊区居民必须搬迁到城市。大量农民还得到中国其他地区谋生。感谢富裕东海岸的吸引力,许多人已经开始在那里生活。重庆的常住人口(官方人口减去移民到其他省份的),2000年到2005年减少了50万。但是其中一半仍然留在重庆。 9 l, K! g- J. P' m
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  重庆常被拿来跟芝加哥相比。比如詹姆士.凯恩格(James Kynge)在最近一本书中说,芝加哥是“通往美国西部大量未开垦土地必经之路,是公路,铁路和水路的交通枢纽,更是充满商机的商业中心。”,重庆基本就是这样。
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" F% `: ~0 h  F  U  |* u) Q  v3 k  重庆副市长黄奇帆把重庆和美国的中心城市作比较。他以汽车城底特律为例。重庆是中国排名三、四位的汽车制造中心,今年预期产量超100万,比2006年增加了25%。和中国其他地方一样,重庆也在快速发展。今年上半年经济增长率14%,全国平均增长率则为11.5%。十年后,重庆将和现在的上海一样富裕。- b; s# A/ f8 S* j6 J1 V% {

+ [0 u2 [* @. L1 F' O. _& r; \- Acsuchen.de1990年代后期重庆得到了中央政府的巨大支援,旨在减少东西部发展不均衡的差距。大量资金投入三峡大坝的建设,邻省湖北的库区百万移民安置也让重庆扩大了范围。黄市长说过去十年中80%的增长来自投资(一半是国有银行和政府投资)。下个十年他希望把投资的贡献减半,增加消费和出口额三倍。重庆在他计划中将成为内陆的上海。
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2 ^+ e; G# G& b# P8 l" W& k+ w8 i! E  Z  大批农村打工者涌入重庆。许多都是拿着竹扁担在街上闲逛的挑夫,由于道路太陡峭自行车很少见,他们就在陡峭的山路上运输货物。这所城市对来自农村的移民来说就像个磁石,这些移民正在改变中国。然而重庆也验证了如何保持这种流动人口越来越需要谨慎对待。
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+ p# w: W. ]6 w8 ^  为什么这样?去麒麟村看看就知道了,位于重庆市东北60公里处,这是一片种着稻子,竹子和玉米的广阔田地。村委会的黑板上写着本村人口4300。差不多有2000人都外出务工。剩下的都是上学的孩子和上年纪的老人,他们在城市没什么工作机会。强体力劳动需要20岁左右的人,但他们都离开了。
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( |( n" U8 M; g/ s# `9 J( z" ~: X人在德国 社区  当然,他们都去了重庆,很少一部分会为了顺理成章的享受各种福利,包括失业金,退休金和医疗保险,教育以及廉价房而转为城市居民。许多移民则更希望维持他们的农民身份,这样他们能有一小片土地的使用权:这比那些可能无法兑现的承诺过的福利更有保证,这是更现实的利益。来到城市的许多移民都是暂时性的,许多居民终有一天会回到他们的土地,一些学者不得不承认重庆真正城市化的比例比官方公布数字要低得多。 ) g! x, [/ c" P1 [

8 q; L3 I/ a/ g0 l" {3 u. t  n7 T  市府官员很兴奋,6月份中央政府允许直辖市做更广范围内改革的先行者。他们希望这能加快城市化进程。细节尚未公布,但是他们希望在郊区土地管理,社会保险和户口注册系统有变化,这些因素决定了你是城市还是农村人。
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  麒麟村迈步更早。中国官方媒体报道,一些村领导在橘子种植醢中允许农民以土地入股。农民可以自由出售他们的土地股份给其他村民,或者在半数持股人允许后卖给任何人。这距离土地私有化还很遥远,一些人认为私有化是使移民永久离开农村必需的。在30年土地使用期满后,土地仍要归还给最早租用的农民。但重庆大学曾国平说当地官员希望中央政府允许重庆延长租期。 ; |: c; B0 s8 h0 B6 p7 E% c

7 S8 ~7 Y9 a( ^4 V0 J: P  一些官员却玩起数字游戏。重庆领导层对城市化目标的热衷促使一些官员编造数据。官方媒体报道,改革城乡二元户籍系统的努力,容易使官员简单的把农民划为市民了事。一些批评家说城市化目标制又回到了毛泽东时代的经济学。“应该由市场决定,”北京一个政府智囊团的农民工研究者崔传义说。对于重庆雄心勃勃的领导人来说,这有些太简单了。
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China's ChicagoJul 26th 2007 | CHONGQING
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, W+ S- b. s2 T9 U. bA giant city in the south-west is a microcosm of China's struggle to move millions from rural to urban areas
" c: p, ^' i  k$ {0 e* a( tDEEP in the heart of China, the hilly riverside city of Chongqing is burning with ambition and wreathed in a shroud of smog. Visitors are astonished by the scale and pace of its growth: shopping malls, expressways and a throng of skyscrapers, including one that looks like the Chrysler building. Work on a $200m opera house is under way. But Chongqing's megacity dreams are troubled.
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In China's sometimes confusing administrative nomenclature, Chongqing is called a municipality, one of only four that enjoy provincial-level status (the others are Beijing, Shanghai and Tianjin). It is a region as well as a city. The municipality covers an area the size of Scotland (much of it just as rugged), and its population is scattered over thousands of towns and villages straddling the Yangzi river. According to official figures, about 45% of Chongqing's people live in urban areas (nearly half in the would-be-Manhattan of Chongqing proper). But Chongqing's leaders, determined to make their vast municipality an oasis of modernity in China's backward west, say that by 2020 the municipality must be 70% “urbanised”.
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Statistics like these make China's property developers drool. The municipality's official population is more than 30m, which if it were a single city would make it one of the largest in the world. To achieve the 2020 target, country-dwellers must move into urban areas at a rate of more than 500,000 a year. Large numbers of farmers will also seek their fortunes in other parts of China. Thanks to the lure of the wealthy coast, many have already done so. Chongqing's resident population—official population minus migrants to other provinces—fell by 500,000 between 2000 and 2005. But around half of those who migrate to urban areas remain in Chongqing municipality.
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1 g, T% S. Z; j4 X( k人在德国 社区Comparisons are often made with Chicago. As James Kynge says in a recent book, Chicago was “a gateway to vast and largely undeveloped lands to its west, a hub where the traffic of roads, rail lines and waterways converged, and a centre for business where ambition eviscerated risk”. Chongqing “is all of these things”.
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Huang Qifan, the municipality's deputy mayor, likes to measure his city against America's urban powerhouses. He points to carmaking Detroit. Chongqing, he says, is China's third- or fourth-biggest car manufacturing centre, with an expected output of 1m vehicles this year, up 25% from 2006. Like the rest of China, Chongqing is booming. In the first six months of this year its economy grew by more than 14%, compared with 11.5% during that period for the country as a whole. In a decade, it could be as wealthy as Shanghai now.
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0 `' j5 Q  Y9 Z3 Y) n' @/ j& d$ nChongqing has been helped by massive central-government support since the late 1990s, aimed at reducing the imbalance between the prosperous coast and more sluggish interior. Money has poured in for the construction of the Three Gorges Dam, downriver in neighbouring Hubei Province, and the relocation of hundreds of thousands of people displaced by the reservoir that stretches up to Chongqing city itself. Mr Huang says 80% of the municipality's growth in the past decade has come from investment (half financed by state-owned banks and the government). In the next ten years he wants to halve investment's contribution to growth and triple that of consumption and exports. Chongqing in his plan is to be an inland Shanghai.人在德国 社区7 f6 P% v$ \3 X- @

/ a, s% u/ R8 Q) cAll this money is bringing rural job-seekers flocking into Chongqing (the city proper, see chart). Many, known as stick men, loiter on the streets carrying bamboo poles used for lugging loads up the hilly streets (so steep that pedal-driven vehicles are hardly to be seen). The city is one of the magnets for the huge shift of people from the countryside that is transforming China. Yet, as Chongqing also shows, maintaining this flow of people is becoming increasingly tricky.
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To see why, go the village of Qilin, a lush expanse of paddy fields, bamboo and maize about 60km (38 miles) north-east of Chongqing city. A billboard at the village headquarters says the population is 4,300. Nearly 2,000 of them have gone to work elsewhere. Those left behind are mostly school-age children and the middle-aged and elderly, who would have little chance of finding jobs in urban areas. Labour-intensive industries prefer people in their late teens and early 20s, but they have gone.& Z  E" y/ ~. [

1 \8 b8 z/ ]) N7 d& u4 g- FOf those who have moved to Chongqing city, very few have registered as urban residents with all the perks that this theoretically entails: unemployment benefits and pensions as well as subsidised health care, education and (for the poorest) housing. Most migrants prefer to maintain their official status as farmers, because this gives them usage rights to small parcels of farmland: a more tangible benefit than the welfare promises which many rightly suspect will not be fulfilled. Much of China's migration to the cities is therefore temporary—many city dwellers will one day return to their farms—and some scholars reckon Chongqing's real urbanisation rate is far lower than the official figures suggest.人在德国 社区! }' `% D, z. E
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Municipal officials are excited by the central government's decision in June to allow the municipality to act as a pilot for wide-ranging reforms. These, they hope, will hasten real urbanisation. Details have yet to be announced, but they are expected to involve changes to rural land management, social security and a household-registration system that rigidly classifies all citizens as either urban or rural.
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0 Y6 a6 F$ c# a8 m" X1 q/ YQilin village has made an early start. China's official media have made much of its decision to allow farmers to swap land for shares in a new orange-growing business set up by the entrepreneurial village chief. Farmers are free to sell their shares to other villagers or, with the approval of half the shareholders, to anyone else. It is still a far cry from land privatisation, which some Chinese say is essential to make permanent the shift of rural residents to cities. Rights to use the land still revert to the original farmer at the end of the 30-year lease to which all farmland is subject. But Zeng Guoping of Chongqing University says local officials hope the central government will allow Chongqing to let the leases run much longer.
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, T. G. z* b! nMeanwhile, officials play with numbers. The Chongqing leadership's obsession with urbanisation targets encourages their underlings to fiddle the figures. The official media have said that efforts to reform the rural/urban citizenship system, known as hukou, could encourage officials simply to reclassify farmers as city residents. Urbanisation targets, some critics say, smack of Maoist economics. “The market should decide,” says Cui Chuanyi, a rural-labour specialist at a government think-tank in Beijing. To Chongqing's ambitious leaders, that sounds too simple.

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