[国际新闻] 我们应不应该怕中国

日月光

美国《美国新闻与世界报道》：8 ]! a; E" k7 |, J. A( }, {' U

  _1 J4 x# Q4 u9 J  dcsuchen.de明年的这个时候，中国将更受到世界的瞩目，它所受到的注意力将超过它作爲一元国家的两千年历史中的任何时候，而且我们会有更多人通过电视关注北京。在2008年8月8日8时8分8秒，第二十九届夏季奥运会的开幕式将在北京耗资四亿美元的新体育馆展开。然后，一些受人尊敬的中国运动员（可能包括休士顿火箭的姚明）将非常可能从「鸟巢」的一端爬上梯子，点燃奥运主火炬，造出这场全球体育盛事的燃烧的象征—也许也是「中国世纪」开始的象征。
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: X+ ^+ s& m2 I5 p4 G- J. @! Kcsuchen.de当然，对国际形象敏感的中国政府不会使用这种明目张胆的口号（2008年奥运的官方口号是平庸的：同一个世界，同一个梦想）。北京官方反而倾向于更爲谦虚的「中国和平崛起」。这个短语本身默认了中国在世界舞台上重新崛起引起了一些人的忧惧，甚至是恐慌。尽管中国军队仍然是投射「硬实力」能力有限的二流部队，但是它三万亿美元的世界级经济赋予它很多投射「软实力」影响的能力。当美国因继续进行遭受国际唾駡的伊拉克战争而逐渐失去全球的亲善，中国吸引潜在的朋友，从哈萨克斯坦到沙特阿拉伯到秘鲁的经济协定，既爲産品和服务打开市场，又确保重要的能源供应。这些相协调的努力让中国的经济机器保持高速度。4 b1 Q6 m9 v, t9 I. [; n) e
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因此，如今美国发现自己面对一个难对付的经济竞争对手（它不会让人权纪录挡住做生意的路），面对一个富裕的银行家（美国依靠它来资助美国巨大的贸易赤字）。伴随著美国制造业外包而来的贸易差距已经在国会引发贸易保护主义反弹，而最近中国出口的一连串安全问题可能激化这种负面反应。对普通美国人而言，大局可能是这样子的：中国，这个地球上人口最多的国家，不仅吃我们的经济午餐、盗窃我们的就业，而且逐渐取代我们成爲人人喜爱的有钱（deep-pocketed）朋友。因此，问题是，我们应不应该害怕中国？- k( H/ e7 s% R1 F3 m

& a, d9 |  T6 ^& N  Q作者：James Pethokoukis 原题：中国的全球延伸
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China's rise has vast implications for Americans, from the safety of our food to our role in the world; L$ ~3 I+ |$ E- `
By James Pethokoukis
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This time next year, more world attention will be directed at China than at any time in its 2,000-year history as a unified state, and more of us will be viewing Beijing on television than at any time since the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. At exactly 8:08 p.m. and 8 seconds on Aug. 8, 2008—guess what number is seen as lucky in Chinese culture—the opening ceremonies of the 29th Summer Olympic Games will commence at the new $400 million Beijing National Stadium. And a bit after that, some revered Chinese athlete—perhaps Houston Rockets center Yao Ming—will very likely climb the stairs at one end of the hypermodern "bird's nest" and ignite the Olympic caldron, creating a flaming symbol of the global sports spectacle and, perhaps, of the start of the "Chinese Century."
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Of course, the Chinese government—always sensitive to its evolving international image—would never use such a brazen and arrogant slogan. (The official 2008 Olympic slogan is banal, and clumsy, in Mandarin: "One World, One Dream.") Instead, official Beijing prefers the more humble "Peacefully Rising China," the phrase itself a tacit admission that the re-emergence of the Middle Kingdom on the world stage is viewed with apprehension and even alarm by some. Though the Chinese military is still a second-rate homeland defense and occupation force with limited "hard power" projection capabilities, its $3 trillion world-class economy—now more or less tied with Germany as the third largest behind the United States and Japan—has given it plenty of ability to project "soft power" influence. While America has been slowly draining its reservoir of global goodwill by continuing the internationally reviled war in Iraq, China has been charming potential friends and making economic deals from Kazakhstan to Saudi Arabia to Peru, both opening markets to its goods and services and securing vital energy supplies. All a concerted effort to keep China's economic machine racing at high speed as it's done for a quarter century.csuchen.de6 i" @! L+ L# w

8 Q) s- H" f7 `csuchen.deSo today the United States finds itself facing a tough economic competitor that won't let a country's nasty human-rights record get in the way of doing business, and a dollar-rich banker on whom it depends to keep financing its massive trade deficit. That trade gap, along with the outsourcing of U.S. manufacturing jobs, has spurred a protectionist backlash on Capitol Hill, a negative reaction that may be exacerbated by the recent spate of safety issues on Chinese exports. To the average American, the big picture might look a little like this: China, the planet's most populous nation and possessor of a warp-speed economy, is not only eating our economic lunch and stealing our jobs but also gradually supplanting us as everyone's favorite deep-pocketed friend. So, the question is, should we fear China?